Anger Management: Rachel Boynton’s “Our Brand Is Crisis” by Michael Joshua Rowin with responses from Michael Koresky and Chris Wisniewski (February 27, 2006)
Former Clinton aid James Carville in a scene from Rachel Boynton's "Our Brand is Crisis." Image courtesy of Koch Lorber Films.
How ironically fitting “Our Brand Is Crisis” should open the same weekend as the Academy Awards. While Hollywood will undoubtedly give itself a big ol’ pat on the back for recognizing the progressive messages of four of its five Best Picture noms, the immediate cultural and political challenges these films pose remain at a remove—three of them (”Munich,” “Good Night and Good Luck,” and “Brokeback Mountain”) confront their respective issues by analogizing the past; the fourth (”Crash”) merely contrives the present. Consider, then, watching “Our Brand Is Crisis” on March 5 as a small but meaningful act of opposition against the neo-liberal self-congratulation to be world-broadcast that night. This powerful documentary directly deals with the here and now (by way of the very recent past) in terms that force viewers to ask questions and make connections concerning their immediate political reality. In that sense, “Our Brand”‘s look into the miscalculations of globalization by way of an American-influenced political campaign in South America belongs to the recent renaissance of political documentary while standing apart in dramatic fashion: it’s great cinema verite and great timing. In 2002 “Our Brand” director Rachel Boynton followed the American political consultant firm Greenberg Carville Shrum as they worked for Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada (nicknamed, and more frequently called, Goni) on his campaign to once again become president of Bolivia (he also served a term in the mid-‘90s). Barely newsworthy to most Americans, Bolivia is an economically depressed country with a long history of colonial plunder and political chaos; Goni, a U.S.-educated entrepreneur, apparently believed he was the man to get the country on its feet by reinstituting his controversial policy of “capitalization,” in which investors take control of half of the public works in an effort to create jobs and competition (to what extent this policy benefited Bolivians has been the subject of much debate). The GCS team, led by young, enthusiastic Jeremy Rosner, bets the farm by hedging its campaign on Goni’s answer to the economic crisis, an American market-based approach with a shaky popular track record in such an unstable, socialist-leaning country. While the Western-embracing Goni and his American pollsters hold fast to their idea of democracy, selling it proves a clash of ideologies: where the former president would be considered a middle-of-the-road liberal in the States, Goni is viewed warily as a conservative oligarchy in his own country.
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